“Another World is Possible” (A Book Review)

           “Another world is not just possible but is also essential…" These words are the battlecry of every people in the globe who seek for genuine democracy in international institutions that the oppressed majority have been dreaming of. What the present globalization offered us were nothing but developing the underdevelopment of countries at the periphery through these developed countries’ undemocratic decisions solely formed in crafting policies for the developing states. This however led towards crises that currently are in need of a treatment.

Edited by William Fisher and Thomas Ponniah, there exist specific alternatives to globalization convened at the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre in Brazil, a convention from the symbolic South. The book mainly expresses the conference proposals and synthesis that both articulate the rebellion against the neoliberal order and the desire to produce another world that is free of empires. All these are blended by the ‘network of networks’ composed of the old left, new social movements, and the newest wave of radicalism- or just mainly the global civil society. This precisely is a world engineered through a ‘globalization from below’ as a term parallel to Walden Bello’s ‘deglobalization’.

The core clash of these social movements is hinged throughout the effects of neoliberal policies. From the perpetuation of indebtedness to the stolen wealth and the culture of dependency- all these contribute the rooted sentiments against the developed North.  Even the problem of indebtedness lies in the history of colonialism! This puts forward the cancellation of debts to the ever-oppressed developing countries which is a bad idea for international financial institutions like IMF and World Bank.

Moreover, it has been a challenge for some time that these movements appear in two significant areas. First are the reformers that uphold the value of dialogue, negotiations, and partnerships. Change can come through reasonable discussion while the other one are the radicals which are total critics to the dysfunctional Bretton Woods/WTO and believe that the economy works better for the poor if there is check and balance not dominated by institutions. However, this divide is never a hindrance as to my views. So long as the anger, hatred, and fear envelopes the global civil society, the struggle remains constant. With the existence of these unjust institutions, social cohesion rises, thus, the movements will remain.

The principle of subsidiarity backs up these struggle where decisions does not have to be decided at the larger scale, then it let be decided at the smallest scale possible. Part I discusses the solidarity economy that which contribute a socially just globalization. The idea behind is to put the human being at the center of social and economic development. Preceding discussion emphasize the economics behind the movement which include the external debt, the call for reparation and extension of the scope of affirmative in Africa and Brazil, the alternative approach to international finance that has the economics in the service of humankind, reformation of WTO, forwarding corporate social responsibility, consolidation of representative voices of organized labor. One striking incite is the pressure on Argentina in climbing the ladders of development. In Todaro’s Development Economics published in 2011, Argentina despite the efforts of financial institutions in appropriating the structural adjustment programs, it is enveloped by negative growth rate, underwent a default in 2002 and the economy shrank 11%. This conditioned development primarily fell victim of the developed country where foreign investors buying high interest Argentine bonds with accounts in banks in the US and Europe.

One most important thing to understand is the nature of the opposition to the meeting in Davos for the World Economic Forum. This global political party in WSF at Porto Alegre against the Investors’ Protection Party in WEF is simply not the anti-globalizers as media would sensationalize it. Globalization is something that will continue and the concern is on the economics that serves the society, not the one that is served by society.

To boil down the specifics, further rights are highlighted, rights which are displaced in the order of globalization. Before, bureaucratic control and state dominated economies flourished not until the corporate rule in this modern world. Identities and contexts were moved from the national to the global. Heritage was all to disappear and destroyed. This is a fear that haunts one Filipino to identify himself amidst the trend on K-Pops, Hollywood dramas, nonsense and erotic songs from West, and many more.

Moreover is the transformation of public domain to privatization. Water, a common heritage for all are mismanaged resulting to inequality in access to it. A sustainable water management definitely requires the effective participation of local communities in decision-making process. On the other hand is the monopoly of knowledge by corporate interests or private profit shaped by the market of rich consumers. This expounds the rights over intellectual property which includes the patents, copyright, and trademarks- the first problem is this rule of granting patent holders to the members of WTO. The second problem is the impact which specifically explains the high prices on HIV/AIDS medicines which limits the ability of developing countries to meet basic human rights to health.

What is also striking to remember is the patent right as a recent development. We can remember how US took over British technology without any problem and without paying for it. In 20^th century is the emergence of Japan that copied freely the western technologies. But in the 21^st century, developing countries are hold back from developing its knowledge on improving high technology. This is an important thing to ponder on. What my Microeconomics taught me is the argument on protecting intellectual property through patents is the need to reward innovation. It is based on the assumption that inventing new is something to be encouraged. However reality speaks that the result is painful. We can also imagine our commendable farmers on the field introduced by sterile seeds by corporate seed manufacturers thus prohibit them on reusing their own seeds. This is a way to the monopoly over the reproduction of TNCs in the agricultural products. This however fuels the alternative to the rights of farmers and rural communities to ownerships, rejection of the monopolistic appropriation of knowledge, and therefore the increase in the public funding for research and innovation for social and economic development.

Lack of investment in research and development of medicine to treat neglected diseases which are mainly diseases of developing countries is a problem at status quo. This might probably supply the idea that diseases of the ‘rich’ are highly profitable thus crowded by profit driven character researchers influenced by neoliberal perspectives while in-need treatments for the developing countries is continually neglected.

With neoliberal policies, heavy subsidies for export agriculture and fishing are maintained with absolutely no protection for small- and medium-sized producers who produce mainly for the domestic market. On the other side of the story, access to food should not be viewed as a form of assistance.  It is indisputably a right that everybody needs to have. For this reason, USA using food as a weapon of economic and political pressure against countries like Cuba is definitely inhumane.

Another city is possible. Right now, urban population is denied the right to housing, essential services, employment in reasonable condition, etc. it is essential to deconstruct the ideology of the single-minded city that aspires for more supportive, more democratic, and more sustainable in response to social demands. Lastly, the indigenous people who are marked by domination, social exclusion, intolerance, wars, and destruction of nature, violence, and threat of extinction must be protected. They are vulnerable to projects imposed on them, introduction of construction sites and making decision without them on the table of decision-making. What is important is the idea on the “Unity in Diversity” among IPs. Indigenous territory can be inherited, but never sold or mortgaged. This is the weapon of the IPs in forwarding their calls and sentiments. Defending their rights as collectives is their armor.

In the light of the age of information, what is concentrated among the media is their high profitability over and above the public interest. The sad story for media is being forcefully swept away of being in a public character, privatizing most and forcing the rest to become commercialized. The danger is indeed on the dictatorship of the market that it has enormous power to win peoples’ ‘minds and hearts’. The exaggerated news on movements is irritating and the sensationalized publicity on neoliberal projects are attracting. Before when CNN flashes the World Economic Forum in Davos, an inspiring message will registered into my mind thinking of being one of those participants along intimidating conferences with the good-looking people all around the globe.

Furthermore, one right to push through is for the education to be not treated as a commodity. This is a problem deeply felt by the youths actively acting against neoliberalism. Thus, with the youths in the picture, the movement coming from all the different sectors of the society remains solid and alive.

In the context of violence, some argues that war on terrorism is justified just because of the 9/11 attacks of the terrorists. However, the excuse of using 9/11 nightmare propagates US in legitimizing the use of weapons for wars. Talk about how they tried to pulverized the Talibans in Afghanistan who abuses women. However, which is more abusive is the US bombing in the Afghanistan which results to the rise on the number of women victimized by the armed conflicts initiated by the US. These are women who are victims of discrimination and intolerance.

Finally, what is essentially presented is the international architecture of power which Walden Bello calls it ‘deglobalization’. It is all about getting rid of being dependent to the North, income redistribution and land redistribution, de-emphasizing growth, democratic economic decisions, new production and exchange, and the principle of subsidiarity.

With the another world that dismantles the present hierarchical system of domination, there rise a threat to cultural imperialism. This is something beyond to my expectation because anyway, what is a must to focus is this current illness in the global order that in need of a special treatment started by the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre.

Haunted by Joel Lamangan's "Sigwa"

           “I totally admire the youths of 1970s!”  This immediately registered to my mind after watching the internationally acclaimed movie Sigwa by brilliant Joel Lamangan. Staging the culmination of “End on Impunity” week-long event, I think that last Saturday afternoon was indeed a full blast, seriously awakening.

            The movie loaded with flashbacks gave the feeling of putting oneself back to the first quarter storm. It also relates the audience that being a student confronting with social issues at present cannot be just different to what students before experienced. However, there is a thick line that distinguishes my generation’s reaction compared to what our parent’s generation of being students back in 70s.  I felt that they were more active. I felt that they were more united and dedicated.

            I love the idea that the movie explains us the truth on why people resort to activism. Simply on what is the rationale behind why the characters, specially the youth engage in underground movements. They aren’t to be blame for all the activities they have done before, from marching on the streets, from holding placards, from resisting the police’ forces, etc. I personally hail them for all of these. I feel the anger that squeezed their hearts. I saw their tears that trickles down to their cheeks. I feel for their struggle.

            With the crowd of people who intensely watched the movie, I think we are all in common feeling that drives us to realize that in the end, being an activist is the best for those who have the courageous hearts. I admired these people for having deeply rooted sentiments in them against inequalities. Well, I have been into this stage but no time for me to be a radical. Rallies from the panting leadership of Gloria to the spring of Noynoy’s presidency made up my college life. I know that the intensity of my experience were incomparable to what Pauleen Luna, Marvin Agustin, Megan Young, Lovi Poe, etc. did in the movie, but I know that the feeling in forwarding the struggle is the same.

            There were some disappointments in the progress of the story. When they were all fragmented and their circle of friends was dismantled, I think that they were all innocent of it, not until Marvin Agustin-turned-Tirso Crus III’s rise into political power. His role of being a traitor to his comrades signals how activists turned to be pliant like a bamboo when situation calls for a matter of death. On the other hand, I have a high regard for Pauleen Luna-turned-Zsa Zsa Padilla in continuing the struggle in the country side. She was a fierce woman with nationalist and scientific principles embedded in her personality.

            After all, I hope that the story behind the movie will put a tingling sensation down to our spine with a realization that it is the masses that go along with our struggle. I love the idea of “social practice” taught to the main characters by their professor. Thus, the vehicle towards the courage is to feel the masses and to seek for a better future for the greater good.  

Lastly, the movie is composed of few words, “Serve the People!”

“Deglobalization” (A Book Review)

            It was once a privilege to be one of the reactors during Walden Bello’s symposium on “Terrorism and Counter-terrorism” at the University of the Philippines Visayas here in Tacloban. He may be old but enough to educate young minds that thirsts intellectual truth on the bigger picture of the world. Moreover, I felt his air of authority in the field of activism that upholds anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, and anti-fascist upbringing. All these reflect his impressive book implanted of brilliant ideas entitled “Deglobalization”.

            Beginning with the discussion on the establishment of the World Trade Organization in consonance to the prevalence of globalization, bringing more equity and global trade remains the outlook for WTO  but inversely, what is reaped in the membership of WTO are costs, not benefits. This introduces the crisis of the globalist project designed specifically by World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank.

Globalization, as supported by status quo obviously marks the hegemony of neo-liberalism which focused on ‘liberating the market’ via accelerated privatization, deregulation, and trade liberalization. These are the best solutions as what my Development Economics subject taught me. Nearly did I believe but thanks to my Sociology of Development instructor who taught me otherwise about these globalist projects, I learned to think critically. These two orientations are opposites in viewing the dimension of globalization. However, only one line of critic is followed by Bello. He buys the idea that steps to market liberalization cannot count as pre-requisites to development.

Taken from the point of view of Walden Bello unveiling the sentiments of a developing country, market liberalization all the more pushes the people to ‘below the poverty line’ as manifested few weeks after the implementation of these projects in Thailand and Indonesia. This project called as the structural adjustment program clearly institutionalized stagnation, worsened poverty, and increased inequality.

Then goes from the foreword of the book are big economic terms and events like the crises of globalization during the collapse of the Third Ministerial of the WTO and the collapse of the stock market. Good higher economic subjects’ background might be an edge to further understand some complicated equations and solutions to globalization as narrated by Walden Bello. Needless to say, the entire views of the book clashes against the prominence of USA through assassinating its good background to the readers. Irregardless of the intention, this book speaks information that one needs to know and understand. Though shocking are some of the details, this book is commendable for being highly informative in the field of reality in politics and economics.

Given this 3 Pillars that are scaffolding the new economic order- the WTO, IMF, and the WB, the roles of each are nothing but innocent in the formation of new global economy. WTO is projected as a catalyst of an economic process that would bring about the greatest good for the greatest number. IMF is identified ever to promote freer global capital flows, and the WB supervises the transformation of the developing countries along free market lines and manages their integration into the global economy. I mean that all these bring the tone of kindness from the stakeholders behind these institutions. Not until this WTO’s agreements promoted monopoly for US firms, that IMF is used to dismantle the structures of sate-assisted Asian capitalism that are barriers to the entry of goods and investments from US transnational companies, and WB accusations of being irrelevant to the task of eliminating poverty. All these constitute the crises of legitimacy of all these 3 institutions. The supremacy of United States of America was therefore innocent until proven its selfish interests that drive these multilateral institutions forward.

Targeting America’s corporations that remains prominent in this age of globalization evaporates more questions of resentment against the world’s superpower. Microsoft is so much attached to my student life but nothing I know about its predatory practices, Shell is almost everywhere that truly we know about its environmental depredations, Monsanto and Norvartis as familiar are irresponsible in promoting genetically modified organisms. This made me believe that GMOs indeed happens after thinking it as a conspiracy to deprive US of its high-tech edge. Nike, which is famous among with my friends secretly systematize exploitations of dirt-cheap labor. Lastly, these air pollution contributor cars like Mitsubishi, Ford, and Firestone are known for their concealment form consumers of serious product defects. Rapid melting of the polar ice caps is traced to Big Oil and automobile giants promoted by uncontrolled transnational corporations (TNCs).

 It is beyond my intention to shame these companies. In fact, I always wear my Nike branded shoes. Shell is most often the destination of vehicles like “multicabs” that I used to ride in roaming the city. I ate on local restaurants that offer large stunning fried chicken believed by some to be GMOs. All these are inevitably confronted especially in the age of globalization. However, what is important to highlight just like what Bello pointed out is the ‘process of uncontrolled growth’ among these companies.

To quote former British Prime Minister Tony Blair in the text, “…unregulated markets make difficult to reconcile the demands of social responsibility with the demands of profitability”. This brings us that corporate-driven globalization was creating tremendous problem, much more that the driving institutions to globalization promotes privatization, deregulation, and trade liberalization- all in all celebrates uncontrolled corporations and the imperial overstretch of America.

Structural adjustment programs are definite ways to discipline the Third World countries like Philippines. It brings the image of a new lending approach which pushes reforms. IMF and WB- imposed structural adjustments became the vehicle for a program of free market liberalization applied to countries suffering major debt problems like the Third World. Its major elements are heartfelt to me as a student of a third world country. Firstly is the government reduction on budget allocation to basic services like education, health, and welfare. Secondly is my observation on destroyed local markets being exposed to foreign competition due to the removal of restrictions on foreign investments. Thirdly is the high prices on toll fees and many others seen on news stations every evening due to privatization and radical deregulation of the use of resources that tolerates the private owner’s insatiable appetite for profit. This sends out a message that government participation is already curtailed.

In the prevalence of the neoliberal hegemony was the pushing for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation which Philippines is one of its 21 member-states. Basically it is a framework to discipline Asian economies specially the East and Southeast Asian countries where an activist government intervenes the key areas of its economy and where domestic markets are protected from foreign competitions, and there are tight controls on foreign investment. All these are deviations to America’s free market ideals. Thus the effect was the formation of APEC to tame the Newly Industrialized Countries (NIC) in Asia.

            Another action was to weaken the United Nation’s agenda to the south through America’s power of the purse. The United States, whose contribution funds some 20-25% of the UN Budget has its major role in influencing programs to the South that leans to their interest. Putting General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in the age of globalization, where US is the leading advocate, is purely because of the inability of US goods to enter Southern markets, and the rise of new competitors in the shape of the East Asian NICs. In fact, later on, GATT turned to loose and get flexible which justifies the birth of WTO that further United States’ assessment on interests of its corporation that which were no longer served by GATT.

            Recognizing United States as a major voice in the multilateral development banks, the domination of developed economies in the International Monetary Fund which the Fund itself is non-transparent and the one who vetoed the creation of Asian Monetary Fund  (AMF) as its counterpart that could have been a blow to the US role in Asia, and the consensus nature that defeats the one-country-one-vote principle in the World Trade Organization, these furthers the crises of legitimacy among the institutions manipulated by developed countries specifically the US.

            With all these basis that exist in the international arena as manipulated by developed countries, from IMFs packages to rescue foreign creditors, imposing radical deregulation on fallen economies, financial and trade liberalization, killing the proposal of AMF, promoting structural adjustment programs that institutionalizes stagnation in Africa, Latin America, and other parts of the Third World, all these devil institutions remains to operate with zero changes on its policies and structures.

            After all these disastrous effects that subjects to public scrutiny, structural adjustment program (SAP) failures pushes the IMF-WB meeting on 1999 to rename it to extended structural adjustment  facility (ESAF) that still preserves the neo-liberal economic model that secretly shows anti-developing country policies. Furthermore, as what the International Monetary Fund managing director Horst Koehler’s famous line “I also have a heart, but I have to use my head in making decisions”, as an answer to the charges against IMF-World Bank meeting on September 2000, the idea behind was all because of those institutions’ crises of legitimacy.

            Deglobalization is mainly an answer to international institutions’ crises of legitimacy. It is a reconstruction method after the strategy of dismantling the WTO and the Bretton Woods institutions. Bello introduces the tactic on making coalition to reduce the power of institutions like the IMF that for instance be converted into a research agency with no policy powers. In the case of World Bank, the coalition shall end its loan-making capacity and devolving its grant activities to appropriate regional institutions. In addition to the response of deglobalization is to boycott the World Bank bonds, deny new appropriations for the International Development Associations, and oppose calls for quota increases for the IMF. All these simply aim to disempower such institutions that are now at crises on their legitimacy.

            An important to understand Bello’s deglobalization effort is not about to withdraw from the international economy but simply about to reorient economies from the emphasis on producing for export to production for the local market. It is about bringing development from bottom to top. What is entirely needed for today is not another centralized global institution but the deconcentration and decentralization of institutional power and the creation of a pluralistic system. These regional blocs involve not only government and business but also NGO and people’s organization. This is an agenda of people-oriented sustainable development that will naturally succeed if it is evolved democratically rather than imposed from above by regional elites.

          Bello’s tone in the ending part of his book sounds a hero that fights the failures of today’s globalization. His proposal on the strategy for deglobalizing Philippines faces risky tasks. One thing is disciplining the private interests in the country and giving more roles to the civil society in checking the state and the private, focusing on internal market, building up capital-intensive industries, reinvigorating our agriculture, building up an industry like information technology that is managed under democratic process, and many more counter strategies to neoliberal framework.

             Deglobalization is a difficult project to accomplish as long as the hegemony of neoliberalism is on its peak. With more public scrutiny, more critics, more heartfelt economic stagnation despite IMF, WB, and WTO’s blind response to developing countries, then, the coalition that Walden Bello imagine will naturally uprise along with the reorientation on each national economies.

I FEAR NO HARDSHIP

“He who knows no hardships will know no hardihood. He who faces no calamity will need no courage. Mysterious though it is, the characteristics in human nature which we love best grow in a soil with a strong mixture of troubles.”

Wait. The tone of the quote above might sound different that which might leave wrong message about me. But anyway, it is an advising mechanism that we all Political Science Dungganan can get after all these unexpected events confronting into our lives. This will be all about the first month of second semester year 2011 that we all live in infamy.

The whole story is too complicated to share, too long to write, and too difficult to understand. But perhaps the effect of this greatest problem or one of the greatest problems I had might lead a picture on how we [Pol. Sci. Batch Dungganan] surpassed and continuously surpass this great challenge.

I know that clashing against the ‘highest ranking professor in the University of the Philippines’, as what that Professor consider himself is very difficult or dangerous so to speak. However, this is nothing when I come to think of being in the right path and being on the side of justice and truth. If he thought of his right being violated, a right which we cannot readily identify, well, I firmly believe that the damage that he claimed is incomparable to the wounds that I personally feel. I come to think over that after all, it is us against them. It is me personally, or we the 3^rd year Political Science majors against the whole Division of Humanities faculty and staffs.

Well I guess we are all united. I presumed each of us had the meeting of the minds regarding the ‘unintentional movement’ that we eventually created. Unintentional for nothing was never planned against Professor “he who must not be named”. Moreover, it lately turned to be a movement for us to protect our names after all the drama that spread from him tagging us as grade oriented, coward, and more that is demeaning to his personality making him more of being unprofessional.

I know that some of my close friends who are of my co-party to the problem badly-behaved along the way at the peak of our campus prominence. I just listen…and listen. I’d rather be silent. I believe my silence will somehow make them regret their words. So far, I felt happy that they continue to ride with us in this difficult journey. One of them told me that if only we can ‘undo’ what we have done.

I cannot directly pinpoint if there are some of us who have this connivance with some other secondary actors in this issue that fuels the strength of our newly turned opponent in this fight. I know that they are encroached of their selfish interests. Academic interests perhaps like designing their image to be neutral so as to gain praise from some other secondary actors of this issue. With this I felt disappointed. I felt being betrayed from the struggle that I eventually organize after my name being mentioned inside one of the classes handled by that Professor. It really affected me a lot after I recall this statement which is famous to my friends that “It takes time to rebuild an image”. Another friend of mine texted me about this with the details about my name assassinated in the eyes of some students in the campus. With this I felt the shame, the isolation, and it made me more often go with the flock of my Pol.Sci.mates. I feared to be the subject of some students gathering along the hallway and lobby. But all these internal troubles eventually wiped out in my imagination. The key is simply to be courageous and be a fighter.

For these past few days, I happened to have almost a close contact with the secretary of that Professor when I almost twisted the door upon entering the faculty when she eventually opened it from inside. I can’t forget this stern looks from her when she glimpsed to see my face. At first, I got upset but lately had thought how funny she reacted and designed her strict emotions against me which in fact she is not a party to the issue; neither has she known the whole story nor the sentiments from our side. What she had is this brainwashed mind to hate us and this myopic understanding of what problem we had against that Professor who is her boss.

Before I usually greet and smile to one of their young faculty which was once my instructor, but now I felt the awkwardness with her head bowed whenever we happened to cross our path. Also, just lately when I was on my way home, I walked along the street across where that Professor who must not be named stood together with some of his cohorts. I heard this heavy laugh from him and that I registered to my mind his weirdness.

One of my instructors this semester keeps on asking me about this matter. Something which I cannot disclose the details. Perhaps the best thing is to smile and show how this problem affected me. It is just some sort of a way to let them stop asking from me about it. And so it is effective. Moreover, I feared also that another one of my instructors this semester will see this as a disappointment towards me. Well, I don’t care. It’s all the more challenging. As what I recall together with my friends in high school, we had this motto that: “I fear no hardship”.

So long as we stand on our right. So long as we fight against immaturities that the other people tagged us. So long as the conscience drilling into my classmates who MIGHT have betrayed us, there remains the hope of getting over this situation, then after all, we laugh and say “I’m fine. There is nothing wrong, thank you”.