“Another world is not just
possible but is also essential…" These words are
the battlecry of every people in the globe who seek for genuine democracy in
international institutions that the oppressed majority have been dreaming of.
What the present globalization offered us were nothing but developing the
underdevelopment of countries at the periphery through these developed
countries’ undemocratic decisions solely formed in crafting policies for the
developing states. This however led towards crises that currently are in need
of a treatment.
Edited by William Fisher and Thomas Ponniah, there exist specific
alternatives to globalization convened at the World Social Forum in Porto
Alegre in Brazil, a convention from the symbolic South. The book mainly
expresses the conference proposals and synthesis that both articulate the
rebellion against the neoliberal order and the desire to produce another world
that is free of empires. All these are blended by the ‘network of networks’
composed of the old left, new social movements, and the newest wave of
radicalism- or just mainly the global civil society. This precisely is a world
engineered through a ‘globalization from below’ as a term parallel to Walden
Bello’s ‘deglobalization’.
The core clash of these social movements is hinged throughout the
effects of neoliberal policies. From the perpetuation of indebtedness to the
stolen wealth and the culture of dependency- all these contribute the rooted
sentiments against the developed North. Even the problem of indebtedness
lies in the history of colonialism! This puts forward the cancellation of debts
to the ever-oppressed developing countries which is a bad idea for international
financial institutions like IMF and World Bank.
Moreover, it has been a challenge for some time that these
movements appear in two significant areas. First are the reformers that uphold
the value of dialogue, negotiations, and partnerships. Change can come through
reasonable discussion while the other one are the radicals which are total
critics to the dysfunctional Bretton Woods/WTO and believe that the economy
works better for the poor if there is check and balance not dominated by
institutions. However, this divide is never a hindrance as to my views. So long
as the anger, hatred, and fear envelopes the global civil society, the struggle
remains constant. With the existence of these unjust institutions, social
cohesion rises, thus, the movements will remain.
The principle of subsidiarity backs up these struggle where
decisions does not have to be decided at the larger scale, then it let be
decided at the smallest scale possible. Part I discusses the solidarity economy
that which contribute a socially just globalization. The idea behind is to put
the human being at the center of social and economic development. Preceding
discussion emphasize the economics behind the movement which include the
external debt, the call for reparation and extension of the scope of affirmative
in Africa and Brazil, the alternative approach to international finance that
has the economics in the service of humankind, reformation of WTO, forwarding
corporate social responsibility, consolidation of representative voices of
organized labor. One striking incite is the pressure on Argentina in climbing
the ladders of development. In Todaro’s Development Economics published in
2011, Argentina despite the efforts of financial institutions in appropriating
the structural adjustment programs, it is enveloped by negative growth rate,
underwent a default in 2002 and the economy shrank 11%. This conditioned
development primarily fell victim of the developed country where foreign
investors buying high interest Argentine bonds with accounts in banks in the US
and Europe.
One most important thing to understand is the nature of the
opposition to the meeting in Davos for the World Economic Forum. This global
political party in WSF at Porto Alegre against the Investors’ Protection Party
in WEF is simply not the anti-globalizers as media would sensationalize it.
Globalization is something that will continue and the concern is on the
economics that serves the society, not the one that is served by society.
To boil down the specifics, further rights are highlighted, rights
which are displaced in the order of globalization. Before, bureaucratic control
and state dominated economies flourished not until the corporate rule in this
modern world. Identities and contexts were moved from the national to the global.
Heritage was all to disappear and destroyed. This is a fear that haunts one
Filipino to identify himself amidst the trend on K-Pops, Hollywood dramas,
nonsense and erotic songs from West, and many more.
Moreover is the transformation of public domain to privatization.
Water, a common heritage for all are mismanaged resulting to inequality in
access to it. A sustainable water management definitely requires the effective
participation of local communities in decision-making process. On the other
hand is the monopoly of knowledge by corporate interests or private profit
shaped by the market of rich consumers. This expounds the rights over
intellectual property which includes the patents, copyright, and trademarks-
the first problem is this rule of granting patent holders to the members of
WTO. The second problem is the impact which specifically explains the high
prices on HIV/AIDS medicines which limits the ability of developing countries
to meet basic human rights to health.
What is also striking to remember is the patent right as a recent
development. We can remember how US took over British technology without any
problem and without paying for it. In 20th century is the emergence of Japan that
copied freely the western technologies. But in the 21st century, developing countries are hold
back from developing its knowledge on improving high technology. This is an
important thing to ponder on. What my Microeconomics taught me is the argument
on protecting intellectual property through patents is the need to reward
innovation. It is based on the assumption that inventing new is something to be
encouraged. However reality speaks that the result is painful. We can also
imagine our commendable farmers on the field introduced by sterile seeds by
corporate seed manufacturers thus prohibit them on reusing their own seeds.
This is a way to the monopoly over the reproduction of TNCs in the agricultural
products. This however fuels the alternative to the rights of farmers and rural
communities to ownerships, rejection of the monopolistic appropriation of
knowledge, and therefore the increase in the public funding for research and
innovation for social and economic development.
Lack of investment in research and development of medicine to
treat neglected diseases which are mainly diseases of developing countries is a
problem at status quo. This might probably supply the idea that diseases of the
‘rich’ are highly profitable thus crowded by profit driven character
researchers influenced by neoliberal perspectives while in-need treatments for
the developing countries is continually neglected.
With neoliberal policies, heavy subsidies for export agriculture
and fishing are maintained with absolutely no protection for small- and
medium-sized producers who produce mainly for the domestic market. On the other
side of the story, access to food should not be viewed as a form of
assistance. It is indisputably a right that everybody needs to have. For
this reason, USA using food as a weapon of economic and political pressure
against countries like Cuba is definitely inhumane.
Another city is possible. Right now, urban population is denied
the right to housing, essential services, employment in reasonable condition,
etc. it is essential to deconstruct the ideology of the single-minded city that
aspires for more supportive, more democratic, and more sustainable in response
to social demands. Lastly, the indigenous people who are marked by domination,
social exclusion, intolerance, wars, and destruction of nature, violence, and
threat of extinction must be protected. They are vulnerable to projects imposed
on them, introduction of construction sites and making decision without them on
the table of decision-making. What is important is the idea on the “Unity in
Diversity” among IPs. Indigenous territory can be inherited, but never sold or
mortgaged. This is the weapon of the IPs in forwarding their calls and
sentiments. Defending their rights as collectives is their armor.
In the light of the age of information, what is concentrated among
the media is their high profitability over and above the public interest. The
sad story for media is being forcefully swept away of being in a public
character, privatizing most and forcing the rest to become commercialized. The
danger is indeed on the dictatorship of the market that it has enormous power
to win peoples’ ‘minds and hearts’. The exaggerated news on movements is
irritating and the sensationalized publicity on neoliberal projects are
attracting. Before when CNN flashes the World Economic Forum in Davos, an
inspiring message will registered into my mind thinking of being one of those
participants along intimidating conferences with the good-looking people all
around the globe.
Furthermore, one right to push through is for the education to be
not treated as a commodity. This is a problem deeply felt by the youths
actively acting against neoliberalism. Thus, with the youths in the picture,
the movement coming from all the different sectors of the society remains solid
and alive.
In the context of violence, some argues that war on terrorism is
justified just because of the 9/11 attacks of the terrorists. However, the
excuse of using 9/11 nightmare propagates US in legitimizing the use of weapons
for wars. Talk about how they tried to pulverized the Talibans in Afghanistan
who abuses women. However, which is more abusive is the US bombing in the
Afghanistan which results to the rise on the number of women victimized by the
armed conflicts initiated by the US. These are women who are victims of
discrimination and intolerance.
Finally, what is essentially presented is the international
architecture of power which Walden Bello calls it ‘deglobalization’. It is all
about getting rid of being dependent to the North, income redistribution and
land redistribution, de-emphasizing growth, democratic economic decisions, new
production and exchange, and the principle of subsidiarity.
With the another world that dismantles the present hierarchical
system of domination, there rise a threat to cultural imperialism. This is
something beyond to my expectation because anyway, what is a must to focus is
this current illness in the global order that in need of a special treatment
started by the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre.
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